Afghanistan and Pakistan have once again edged toward open conflict after a series of deadly exchanges along their long and unstable border.
Afghan officials reported that 58 Pakistani soldiers were killed in overnight “retaliatory operations,” while Pakistan reported a smaller number—23—and described the attacks as “unprovoked.”
The clashes have centred on the 2,600-kilometre Durand Line, which Afghanistan has never formally recognised. Afghan authorities accused Pakistan of carrying out airstrikes on Kabul and other eastern Afghan targets. Islamabad has neither confirmed nor denied involvement. Afghan Defence Ministry spokesman Enayatullah Khwarazmi said, “Our armed forces are fully prepared to defend the nation’s borders and will deliver a strong response.”
He stressed, “There is no presence of TTP in Afghanistan now. They are Pakistani people from displaced areas and are allowed to live in the country as refugees. The border is more than 2,400 km long—it could neither be controlled by ‘Changez’ nor ‘Angrez’. Strength alone cannot control it. This fight is inside Pakistan.”
Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi accused Pakistan of putting its own citizens at risk: “They are endangering their own people to please a few.” He added a warning, saying, “We want a peaceful resolution of the situation, but if the peace efforts don’t succeed, we have other options.”
From partners to rivals: Pakistan’s Taliban gamble
Pakistan’s support for the Taliban dates back decades, from backing the anti-Soviet mujahideen to recognising the Taliban regime in the 1990s. Analysts say Islamabad had hoped the Taliban’s return to power in 2021 would secure its western border and reduce cross-border militancy. Instead, Pakistan has faced a resurgence of attacks.
“By lashing out at Pakistan, the Taliban hopes to buy some goodwill from the Afghan public,” Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center, told Time.com. Foreign Policy noted that Taliban leaders “no longer need refuge across the border or Pakistani assistance,” signalling a decline in Islamabad’s influence.
“Pakistan finds itself in a predicament largely of its own making—the Taliban leadership that it supported throughout much of the 20-year insurgency in Afghanistan is now sheltering militant groups targeting Islamabad,” Joshua White, professor of international affairs at Johns Hopkins University, said last year.
The border tensions have also disrupted trade at the Torkham crossing and alarmed Gulf countries, with Saudi Arabia and Qatar calling for dialogue to “maintain the security and stability of the region.”
TTP resurgence: Pakistan’s internal security under threat
The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), listed as an al-Qaeda-linked terrorist organisation since 2011, seeks to overthrow the Pakistani government and enforce its own strict interpretation of Islamic law. Estimates put its membership at 30,000 to 35,000.
Despite previous military campaigns such as Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad, the Taliban’s victory in Kabul allowed the TTP to regroup and reunite its factions, prompting a spike in attacks. Violence in Pakistan in 2024 returned to levels last seen in 2015, according to the Pak Institute for Peace Studies.
A UN report in July 2025 claimed the TTP receives “logistical and operational support” from Taliban authorities, a charge Kabul denies. Under domestic pressure, Pakistan has launched cross-border airstrikes and expelled over a million Afghan refugees since last year.
“The inability of the Taliban administration to take concrete action against the TTP has significantly strained relations,” Islamabad-based analyst Tahir Khan told Deutsche Welle. “Unless the issue of the TTP is effectively addressed, meaningful improvement in bilateral ties will remain elusive.”
A fault line of crisis: What’s next
The Durand Line continues to expose the limits of Pakistan’s long-standing strategy of backing proxies in Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi warned that “no provocation will be tolerated” after Afghan forces reportedly fired on civilians. Both sides have claimed success in seizing or destroying border posts and militant camps, yet the cycle of retaliation continues.
For now, the border remains less a line of control than a fault line of crisis, demonstrating how decades of strategic gambles have come back to haunt Pakistan while Afghanistan seeks legitimacy at home.
Afghan officials reported that 58 Pakistani soldiers were killed in overnight “retaliatory operations,” while Pakistan reported a smaller number—23—and described the attacks as “unprovoked.”
The clashes have centred on the 2,600-kilometre Durand Line, which Afghanistan has never formally recognised. Afghan authorities accused Pakistan of carrying out airstrikes on Kabul and other eastern Afghan targets. Islamabad has neither confirmed nor denied involvement. Afghan Defence Ministry spokesman Enayatullah Khwarazmi said, “Our armed forces are fully prepared to defend the nation’s borders and will deliver a strong response.”
He stressed, “There is no presence of TTP in Afghanistan now. They are Pakistani people from displaced areas and are allowed to live in the country as refugees. The border is more than 2,400 km long—it could neither be controlled by ‘Changez’ nor ‘Angrez’. Strength alone cannot control it. This fight is inside Pakistan.”
Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi accused Pakistan of putting its own citizens at risk: “They are endangering their own people to please a few.” He added a warning, saying, “We want a peaceful resolution of the situation, but if the peace efforts don’t succeed, we have other options.”
From partners to rivals: Pakistan’s Taliban gamble
Pakistan’s support for the Taliban dates back decades, from backing the anti-Soviet mujahideen to recognising the Taliban regime in the 1990s. Analysts say Islamabad had hoped the Taliban’s return to power in 2021 would secure its western border and reduce cross-border militancy. Instead, Pakistan has faced a resurgence of attacks.
“By lashing out at Pakistan, the Taliban hopes to buy some goodwill from the Afghan public,” Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center, told Time.com. Foreign Policy noted that Taliban leaders “no longer need refuge across the border or Pakistani assistance,” signalling a decline in Islamabad’s influence.
“Pakistan finds itself in a predicament largely of its own making—the Taliban leadership that it supported throughout much of the 20-year insurgency in Afghanistan is now sheltering militant groups targeting Islamabad,” Joshua White, professor of international affairs at Johns Hopkins University, said last year.
The border tensions have also disrupted trade at the Torkham crossing and alarmed Gulf countries, with Saudi Arabia and Qatar calling for dialogue to “maintain the security and stability of the region.”
TTP resurgence: Pakistan’s internal security under threat
The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), listed as an al-Qaeda-linked terrorist organisation since 2011, seeks to overthrow the Pakistani government and enforce its own strict interpretation of Islamic law. Estimates put its membership at 30,000 to 35,000.
Despite previous military campaigns such as Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad, the Taliban’s victory in Kabul allowed the TTP to regroup and reunite its factions, prompting a spike in attacks. Violence in Pakistan in 2024 returned to levels last seen in 2015, according to the Pak Institute for Peace Studies.
A UN report in July 2025 claimed the TTP receives “logistical and operational support” from Taliban authorities, a charge Kabul denies. Under domestic pressure, Pakistan has launched cross-border airstrikes and expelled over a million Afghan refugees since last year.
“The inability of the Taliban administration to take concrete action against the TTP has significantly strained relations,” Islamabad-based analyst Tahir Khan told Deutsche Welle. “Unless the issue of the TTP is effectively addressed, meaningful improvement in bilateral ties will remain elusive.”
A fault line of crisis: What’s next
The Durand Line continues to expose the limits of Pakistan’s long-standing strategy of backing proxies in Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi warned that “no provocation will be tolerated” after Afghan forces reportedly fired on civilians. Both sides have claimed success in seizing or destroying border posts and militant camps, yet the cycle of retaliation continues.
For now, the border remains less a line of control than a fault line of crisis, demonstrating how decades of strategic gambles have come back to haunt Pakistan while Afghanistan seeks legitimacy at home.
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